DALLA BIFORCAZIONE DEL COVID NASCERANNO NUOVE BIFORCAZIONI DELL'"ORDINE MONDIALE": TUTTE LE PRECEDENTI SPARIRANNO

 

Fyodor Lukyanov: How Covid-19 reshaped the global order

Future historians will judge that the pandemic marked a fork in the road
Fyodor Lukyanov: How Covid-19 reshaped the global order

Five years may seem insignificant in historical terms, yet January 2020 already feels like the distant past. The Covid-19 pandemic reshaped not only our daily lives but also the global socio-political landscape, marking the end of one era and the start of another. 

The last Days of Peace

The 50th Anniversary Forum in Davos in January 2020 offered a snapshot of a world on the verge of transformation. Swedish teenager Greta Thunberg, then at the height of her fame, dominated the spotlight as a symbol of left-leaning environmental activism. Meanwhile, US President Donald Trump, the quintessential anti-globalist, stood in stark contrast, delivering his “America First” message to a room of cautious listeners. European elites clung to the hope that Trump’s presidency would soon be overturned by a Democratic victory in the upcoming election.

Behind closed doors, however, the discussions revealed a different picture. Influential figures in politics, business, and culture privately admitted that global processes were increasingly slipping out of their control. Yet they still hoped that with collective effort and ingenuity, the course could be corrected.

Amid these musings, a growing shadow loomed – a new infection spreading in China. Few at Davos grasped the gravity of the situation, and most viewed the virus solely through the lens of its potential impact on China’s economy, which the world relied on. 

Looking back, it was the last “peaceful” Davos. In the years that followed, the agenda was dominated first by the pandemic, then by a series of escalating armed conflicts, from Eastern Europe to the Middle East.

A world shut down 

The Covid-19 pandemic abruptly halted globalization in March 2020. Borders closed, economies froze, and global supply chains ground to a halt. For the first time in decades, the foundational freedoms of global integration — movement of people, goods, services, and capital — were significantly disrupted. Only the flow of information remained unimpeded, paradoxically amplifying the scale of global panic.

The liberal world order that had thrived on globalization faced its greatest test. For years, globalization had been seen as an inevitable, almost natural process — beyond the control of individual states. But in a matter of weeks, it became clear that this interconnected system could be paused, challenging the assumption that globalization was an irreversible force. 

For all the upheaval, however, the world did not collapse. States adapted, economies adjusted, and even the poorest countries found ways to endure. This resilience shattered the narrative that liberal globalization was the pinnacle of human achievement. It became apparent that this era, like others before it, was finite.

Pandemic as a catalyst

The pandemic served as a catalyst for preexisting tensions, exposing weaknesses in societies, governments, and international institutions. Countries faced unprecedented stress, while governments used the crisis to experiment with new forms of governance and control. Measures that might have faced resistance in normal times were justified in the name of public health.

The crisis also paved the way for strategic recalibrations. For example, Azerbaijan’s decisive victory in the Second Karabakh War and renewed tensions between India and China in Ladakh unfolded amid the global fog of the pandemic.

Perhaps most importantly, the pandemic demonstrated that the world could function without the established global order. This realization undermined the notion of a single, unified international system and laid the groundwork for a more fragmented, multipolar world.

A new balance of power 

The pandemic revealed the inefficiencies and lack of credibility of international institutions. The “every nation for itself” approach that dominated the early months of the crisis further eroded trust in global norms and fueled the legitimization of national self-interest as a guiding principle.

This shift towards national security and self-reliance accelerated the diffusion of global influence. The pandemic showed that smaller, nimbler countries with effective governance could outperform traditional great powers. As a result, the global balance of power became more diffuse, with no single pole exerting overwhelming influence.

This new reality raises questions about the term “multipolar world.” Instead of a few dominant poles, we now see a collection of significant players of varying strength, interacting in complex and situational ways.

The importance of neighbors 

Another key lesson from the pandemic was the growing importance of regionalism and proximity. Shorter supply chains proved more resilient, and neighboring states became increasingly vital to each other’s political and economic stability. This trend is evident in regions such as the Middle East, the South Caucasus, and even North America.

As military and political tensions rise, neighboring states are playing a greater role than distant powers, reshaping the dynamics of influence.

Liberal globalization is over

In many ways, the Ukraine crisis that followed the pandemic mirrored the earlier disruption. Just as the pandemic severed global connections out of necessity, geopolitical decisions in 2022 further fractured the international order. Yet, once again, the world did not collapse.

Attempts to isolate Russia economically and politically have not succeeded in dismantling the global system. Instead, the system has adapted, becoming more fragmented and less rule-bound. The much-touted 'rules-based order' of liberal globalization has given way to a more pragmatic, albeit chaotic, approach to international relations. 

This new era is characterized by ad hoc agreements and situational alliances rather than a unified set of norms and rules. While this may reduce the predictability of international relations, it also opens the door to greater flexibility and resilience.

Looking ahead

The pandemic stripped away the veneer of a stable, unified world, exposing the cracks beneath. While the immediate crisis has passed, its legacy continues to shape the global order. 

The world is now in a period of transition, defined by uncertainty and competition. The liberal-globalist narrative that dominated the late 20th century has been replaced by a more fragmented, multipolar reality.

This is not to say that the future is bleak. The challenges of the past five years have also revealed the resilience of states and societies. The question now is whether the world can navigate this new phase without descending into greater conflict.

The pandemic was the catalyst for this transformation, but it was only the beginning. The next chapter of international relations will be defined by how states adapt to this new reality – and whether they can find common ground in an increasingly divided world.

This article was first published by the magazine Profile and was translated and edited by the RT team.

NON POSSONO ANDARE ALLA GUERRA, MA NON PERDONO OCCASIONE PER INCUTERE IL TERRORE DELLA GUERRA

 

EU state warns citizens to stock up on food and water

The Estonian authorities expect power outages after the country’s disconnection from the Russian electricity grid
EU state warns citizens to stock up on food and water

The Estonian government has recommended that citizens stockpile food, water, medications, alternative lighting sources, and even board games in anticipation of potential power outages as the country exits the energy system it shares with Russia on February 8.

The warning was reported by the Estonian news outlet ERR, citing the country’s Risk Prevention Bureau.

Estonia, along with neighbors Latvia and Lithuania, which are all members of NATO and the EU, are preparing to transition to the continental European electricity grid as part of efforts to cut energy ties with Moscow.

Problems such as cable failures or substation fires could arise unexpectedly when connecting to the alternative European power grid, known as ENTSO-E, according to Toomas Kapp, head of the Tartu Waterworks in Estonia. However, he expressed confidence that the system would be able to handle any unforeseen situations.

The Baltic country is currently part of BRELL, an electrical grid that connects the power systems of Belarus, Russia, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. Established by an agreement in 2001, these countries committed to exchanging electricity and supporting each other during emergencies.

Estonian Prime Minister Kristen Michal previously stated that the worst-case scenario following the exit from BRELL could involve power outages lasting up to 72 hours. He emphasized that Estonia is prepared for any outcome but stressed the importance of careful planning and maintaining calm.

The decision by Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania to disconnect from BRELL and connect to ENTSO-E was made in 2018. This month they plan to test their power grids in isolation before connecting to the EU energy system through Poland.

The Baltic states have repeatedly claimed that dependency on the Moscow-controlled network creates a threat if Russia were to weaponize its electricity supply and disconnect them from the network. Such fears have never materialized.

The move to the European energy grid will likely mean higher electricity prices for the three countries. Russian power prices, which are regulated by the state, are some of the lowest in the world, averaging roughly $0.055 per kWh for consumers in 2024. Electricity prices in the EU vary from country to country, with Germany having the highest price per kWh last year at €0.3951 ($0.40).

Estonia's disconnection from BRELL will not impact Russia’s energy security, Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov told journalists on Friday. “These plans were announced long ago. Our power providers took measures to ensure the uninterrupted, reliable operation of our unified energy system,” he added.

CAPEZZOLONE BISOGNA CHE TI DECIDI SE VUOI COMBATTERE CONTRO GLI USA O CONTRO LA RUSSIA ... PERCHE' NON INIZI DA TUTTA LA FUFFA E DAI PARASSITI CHE HAI NEL CERVELLO???

 

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