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13/12/20

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 Long Reads

Are Philippine children’s deaths linked to dengue vaccine?

  • A mix of corporate greed and corruption is being blamed for a series of deaths linked to pharmaceutical giant Sanofi’s Dengvaxia vaccine
  • People’s trust in country’s immunisation programme is shaken, leading to a surge in measles cases

A portrait of Roshaine Cariño, 12, who died last February, in Minalin, Pampanga province, in the Philippines. Photo: Agnes DherbeysA portrait of Roshaine Cariño, 12, who died last February, in Minalin, Pampanga province, in the Philippines. Photo: Agnes Dherbeys
A portrait of Roshaine Cariño, 12, who died last February, in Minalin, Pampanga province, in the Philippines. Photo: Agnes Dherbeys

In suburban Taytay, a 20-minute drive from downtown Manila, in the Philippines, a distraught family have gathered at a funeral parlour. At the back of the building, in a wide, white-tiled room, the body of a 12-year-old boy lies on a stainless-steel table, face up, legs slightly bent. Five forensic investigators put on blue plastic overalls before they cut open Elijah Rain de Guzman to perform an autopsy. Over almost four hours, they collect tissue samples, measure and weigh the major organs and carefully photograph every detail. Outside, Elijah’s family are waiting.

Scenes such as this, which took place in September, have become routine for Dr Erwin Erfe, a forensics expert work­ing for the Philippine Public Attorney’s Office. For many months, he has been performing two or three autopsies every week on the bodies of young people who exhibited “internal bleeding, especially in the brains and lungs … and swollen organs”.

Erfe and his colleagues believe these symptoms have been caused by Dengvaxia, a dengue vaccine developed by French pharmaceutical giant Sanofi. He has performed 132 autopsies that point to the vaccine as a probable cause of death.

“Some have died quickly after the injection, especially the children who had compromised immune systems, others developed an infection several months after,” he explains.

Vials of the anti-dengue vaccine Dengvaxia. Photo: AP
Vials of the anti-dengue vaccine Dengvaxia. Photo: AP

Most have come from a poor background, without easy access to the health care system.

In total, the deaths of about 600 children who received Dengvaxia are under investigation by the Public Attorney’s Office.

Dengue is spreading rapidly around the world, infecting 390 million people every year – 100 million of whom develop symptoms, with 500,000 of those contracting haemorr­hagic fever – and killing 20,000, mostly children and pregnant women.

Spread by mosquitoes, the dengue virus can cause what is sometimes known as break-bone fever, so called because it feels to the sufferer as though their bones are breaking. Death is caused by either organ failure or excessive bleeding, usually in the gastrointestinal tract.

In the Philippines, the disease has placed a huge finan­cial burden on the health care system, and so, between April 2016 and November 2017, Dengvaxia was admini­ster­ed to more than 800,000 children across the country.

A year into the programme, after persistent rumours of child deaths and warnings by whistle-blowers in the medical profession, Sanofi re-examined the clinical results. In November 2017, the company issued a statement indica­ting that “for those not previously infected by dengue virus, the analysis found that in the longer term, more cases of severe disease could occur following vaccination”. A few days later, amid a national wave of panic, the 
vaccination programme was suspended
. This February, authorities in the Philippines announced that Dengvaxia had been permanently banned in the country.
A poster at the East Avenue Medical Centre in Manila promoting Dengvaxia in March last year (the vaccine was permanently banned in the Philippines earlier this year). Photo: AFP
A poster at the East Avenue Medical Centre in Manila promoting Dengvaxia in March last year (the vaccine was permanently banned in the Philippines earlier this year). Photo: AFP

The vaccine, it turns out, protects only those who have already been infected with one of the four strains of the disease. For the others, the seronegatives (about 10 to 15 per cent of the vaccinated children, according to estimates from the World Health Organisation [WHO]), the vaccine actually increases their chances of getting sick if infected with the virus. No tests were performed on individual Philippine children to see whether they had been exposed to the virus before vacci­nation. In other words, between 80,000 and 120,000 of them are now more at risk of death if they contract dengue than they were before they had been vaccinated, and health author­ities have no way of knowing who they might be.

Adding to the confusion, Dengvaxia is believed to have another deadly side effect. According to Erfe and chief public attorney Persida Rueda-Acosta, some of the children have died from viscerotropic disease, a general failure of the organs, an effect of one of the components of the vaccine. In a document sent to the Philippine Department of Health (DoH) before the procurement, Sanofi mentioned viscerotropism as a potential risk, but stated that no cases had been observed during clinical trials of Dengvaxia.

The increased risk to seronegatives is due to a singular mechanism of dengue, known to scientists for several decades: antibody-dependant enhance­ment (ADE). Once a person is infected by one of the four strains of the disease, they are immune to that particular strain for the rest of their life. But, in the case of a second infection, by another strain, the antibodies developed to fight off the first infection might become “double agents”, helping the new infection to pass through the barriers of the immune system.

Sanofi calls this “a theory”. However, “the phenomenon is now quite well documented, you cannot call it a theory any more”, counters Professor Scott Halstead, 88, who is one of the world’s foremost experts on dengue fever. By mimicking a first infection, the Dengvaxia vaccine makes some seronegative children more vulnerable in the event of an attack, instead of protecting them.

[The Dengvaxia] trials were riddled with small inaccur­acies, missing data, uncalculated risks […] Not really a high-level manipulation of data, but more the work of obliging statisticians who want to please their bossesAntonio Dans

In Sanofi’s clinical trials, ADE was seen to be a higher risk for younger children: those under five were almost eight times more likely to contract a severe form of dengue after receiving the shot than the children in the control group, who didn’t receive the shot. Sanofi, however, explained this as being an “immature immune response” and set the minimum age at which children should receive the vaccine at nine years old.

“This is not biologically sensible,” Halstead claims. “When they are nine years old, children have statistically more chances to have been previously infected than the very young ones. But the risk remains for all seronegative children, regardless of their age.”

Halstead tried to warn Sanofi and the Philippine author­ities of his concerns, but to no avail. He sent a video explain­ing the potential risks of the vaccine to a local contact, hoping it would be broadcast in the Philippine Senate, which it was, finally, but only during a hearing held to identify where responsibility for the Dengvaxia mess lay.

Antonio Dans, with his wife, Leonila, led a social-media campaign to inform the public about risks associated with the vaccine. The couple are doctors and epidemiologists, working at the Philippine General Hospital – also a teach­ing institution – a beautiful colonial building on a busy street in old Manila. Dans specialises in cardiovascular disease but is also a skilled statistician, and teaches his students to detect ano­malies in trials and reports published by the pharmaceutical industry.

“[The Dengvaxia] trials were riddled with small inaccur­acies, missing data, uncalculated risks …” he says. “Not really a high-level manipulation of data, but more the work of obliging statisticians who want to please their bosses.”

Dr Antonio Dans. Photo: Agnes Dherbeys
Dr Antonio Dans. Photo: Agnes Dherbeys

Why weren’t these voices heard?

“There had been a worldwide eagerness to find a vaccine, for a very long time,” Halstead says. Dengue fever was identified as early as the 18th century, but attempts to produce a vaccine had failed. Halstead says there was a global sense of relief when Sanofi at last found a vaccine that appeared to work reasonably well.

In March 2016, the WHO published a detailed assessment of Dengvaxia, stating that “there is a theoretical possibility that vaccination may be ineffective or may even increase the risk in those who are sero­negative at the time of first vaccination”, but gave a green light for its use in the most affected areas of the world.

For Dans, the problem lies in the contents of the final report compiled by Sanofi and a lack of skilled statisticians in government teams to read past the marketing blurb.

“The same company, Sanofi, is designing the trials, performing them, assessing them, writing final reports … and sells the vaccine? Of course, there was a high conflict of interest. The system must change, if we don’t want this situation to happen again,” Dans says.

When the crisis flared up it became very difficult to talk with Sanofi. They gave us the silent treatmentJanette Garin

Sanofi’s main line of defence is to point out that none of these problems have occurred in the 20 other countries, including Singapore and Thailand, where Dengvaxia has been authorised. However, in all but one of those countries, the vaccine has been licensed for the private sector only, and is used by physicians on specific patients, with the possibility of prior screening for dengue infection and a medical follow-up if any infection occurs.

The only other country that has had a public anti-dengue programme, Brazil, rolled it out in only one province, and mostly on 15- to 27-year-old recipients. The Brazilian authorities worked closely with Sanofi on the design of the vaccination campaign.

In the Philippines, by contrast, “when the crisis flared up it became very difficult to talk with Sanofi”, remembers a bitter Janette Garin, who, as the nation’s secre­tary of health (from February 2015 to June 2016), was in charge of the anti-dengue programme.

“They gave us the silent treatment. So I started to talk with my counterparts in Brazil. It appears they were much better prepared,” she says, when we meet in a Japanese restaurant in Manila.

Furthermore, the clinical trials showed, Dengvaxia had always achieved better results in South America.

Dr Erwin Erfe and his team prepare to perform an autopsy on Elijah Rain de Guzman at a funeral parlour in Taytay, in September. Photo: Agnes Dherbeys
Dr Erwin Erfe and his team prepare to perform an autopsy on Elijah Rain de Guzman at a funeral parlour in Taytay, in September. Photo: Agnes Dherbeys

At the time of its launch, in 2014, Dengvaxia was billed as a scienti­fic triumph on which Sanofi had spent “20 years of research and US$2 bil­lion”, according to a company press release.

“Sanofi is all about what they invested in this vaccine, but they actually bought it from a start-up, as is the trend today in the pharmaceutical industry,” says Anthony Leachon, a physician and director of the government-owned Philippine Health Insurance Corporation.

The first dengue vaccine was, in fact, developed by a team of molecular biologists at Saint Louis University, in the United States. British biotechnology company Acambis acquired the rights to develop the vaccine. Once the vaccine began to look promising, in 2008, the company was bought by Sanofi, for about US$550 million.

Sanofi also invested in a new US$480 million factory in Neuville-sur-Saône, near the multinational’s headquarters, in Lyon, France. The infrastructure investment was the company’s biggest to date, and was made long before any clinical phase III trials (those conducted on humans) were undertaken.

Antoine Quin, director of the new pharmaceutical complex, called the move an “industrial bet”. During a hearing at the Philippine Senate in December 2017, Thomas Triomphe, Sanofi’s head of product strategy, declared that “this kind of antici­pative investment is perfectly normal in the pharmaceutical industry”.

A protest in front of the Philippine Department of Health in Manila, in December 2017. Photo: Agnes Dherbeys
A protest in front of the Philippine Department of Health in Manila, in December 2017. Photo: Agnes Dherbeys

Halstead sees the move as being typical of the frenzied competition that exists between pharmaceutical firms, which are willing to take tremendous risks to be first into a lucrative new market: “They want to design vaccines before even understanding how the virus works.”

In Lyon, Sanofi’s management were under increasing pressure to sell a product in which the company had invested so heavily. Expectation mounted further in 2015, following the appointment of Olivier Brandicourt – who specialises in infectious and tropical diseases – as chief executive. He flagged Dengvaxia as a priority project.

Not everyone was convinced by the new product – French health authorities, for instance, have not recommended it for use in their overseas territories – and although the vaccine was given the green light in several countries, sales didn’t take off. Safety considerations aside, there were questions over the efficacy rate of the vaccine, which in Asian children is only 56 per cent after two years (meaning almost one child in two isn’t protected at that stage even after receiving a three-shot course) and rapidly wanes thereafter.

In November 2014, Sanofi’s senior vice-president for Asia, Jean-Luc Lowinski, met with Benigno Aquino, then president of the Philippines, at the Philippine embassy in Beijing, during that year’s Apec summit. Aquino acknowledged this during the December 2017 Senate hearing. Although the exact nature of the exchange remains unclear, a few weeks later, Sanofi submitted an approval request for Dengvaxia to the Philippine Food and Drug Administration (FDA).

A few months later, Garin, the freshly appointed director of the DoH and a protégée of Aquino, travelled to Paris and Lyon, where she visited the Dengvaxia factory.

Paulyn Ubial. Photo: Agnes Dherbeys
Paulyn Ubial. Photo: Agnes Dherbeys

“This is already questionable,” says Paulyn Ubial, an official at the DoH who was briefly health secretary after Garin. It may seem prudent for a health official to sound out the producers of a potentially life-saving drug but, Ubial says, the relation­­ship was too cosy. “The secretary of health cannot appear with leaders from the pharmaceutical industry, that’s unethical.”

Asked about the trip now, Garin says she can’t remember much, just that she “slept a lot in the car, and visited some churches, but I can’t remember which ones”. According to a report by the Philippine embassy in Paris, during a dinner at a restaurant on the Champs-Élysées, she discussed the price of Dengvaxia with several Sanofi managers.

The price was set at 5,000 pesos (then worth HK$870) per dose in the private sector, 1,000 pesos for the government, which intended to give 1 million child­ren a course of three doses each. This was “an outrageously inflated price”, according to Dr Francis Cruz, a former consultant to the DoH turned health activist, “especially given the fact that some doses were close to expiry”.

In January 2016, upon her return from another visit to Paris, Garin unveiled a 3.5 billion pesos (then worth HK$609 million) anti-dengue programme.

“I remember almost falling out of my chair when I learned about the budget of the dengue programme,” recalls Dans. The amount is higher than that devoted to all other vaccination programmes in the country combined – including those for measles, polio, Japanese encephalitis and human papillomavirus (HPV); even though dengue is not among the top 10 causes of death in the Philippines.

This is a case of “misplaced priorities, at best”, says Leachon.

Persida Rueda-Acosta (right), of the Public Attorney’s Office, and activist Francis Cruz with the families of alleged Dengvaxia victims at the Department of Justice building in Manila in September. Photo: Agnes Dherbeys
Persida Rueda-Acosta (right), of the Public Attorney’s Office, and activist Francis Cruz with the families of alleged Dengvaxia victims at the Department of Justice building in Manila in September. Photo: Agnes Dherbeys

The deal was plagued by irregular­ities. Procurement rules were violated, according to a report by the Commission on Audit, and vaccine doses had arrived in the Philippines even before a contract was awarded. Garin appointed herself director of the FDA for six months, on May 5, 2015, just 10 days before accepting Sanofi’s invitation to visit its Dengvaxia facility in Lyon.

The anti-dengue programme was officially budgeted at 3.5 billion pesos, but the contract with Sanofi was for 3 billion pesos. For almost two years, the extra 556 million pesos remained unaccounted for, until press in the Philippines began to ask uncomfortable questions. The missing sum reappeared in the DoH budget in January 2018 and it was said to have “transited” through a programme to improve the state of hospitals in the country.

That same month, Sanofi reimbursed the DoH to the tune of about 1.2 billion pesos for unused doses. The pharma­ceu­tical company denied the reimburse­ment was a reflection on the quality of its product, but said it “hopes that this deci­sion will allow us to be able to work more openly and constructively with the DoH to address the negative tone towards the dengue vaccine in the Philippines today”.

Rueda-Acosta is suing 39 people, inclu­ding six Sanofi representatives, for “reck­less imprudence resulting in homicide”. “It’s greed that killed those children,” she says angrily.

Another legal complaint, for plunder and malversation of public funds, has been filed at the Office of the Ombudsman against Garin and Aquino.

Sapang Kawayan, a village in Pampanga where a possible Dengvaxia victim, 12-year-old Jica Domingo, used to live. Photo: Agnes Dherbeys
Sapang Kawayan, a village in Pampanga where a possible Dengvaxia victim, 12-year-old Jica Domingo, used to live. Photo: Agnes Dherbeys

Besides the financial interests at stake, it is believed there was a political aspect to the vaccination programme.

 “It was made clear the vaccinations had to begin during the [2016 presidential] campaign,” claims Ubial. And the three provinces chosen for the launch of the programme were not among those most affected by the disease, but “the ones who had highest number of voters among affected regions”, according to the DoH official. On launch day, April 4, 2016, vaccinated children were given yellow T-shirts, the colour of the ruling Liberal Party, to wear as they posed for press photographers.

Because of a tight agenda, the announce­ment of the anti-dengue programme having been made in January, with the election in May, the establishment of the programme was rushed, it’s contended.

“It was madness,” reflects Ubial. “Normally, with a new vaccine, we need one to two years to prepare the health sector, and we start with a target population of about 40,000 individuals.”

Professionals in health centres were not trained to screen out children with weak­ened immune systems; several children with lupus, leukaemia or other severe chronic conditions were given the shot.

“Maybe my son would have died from his tumour any way,” says Romeo Cariño, father of 12-year-old Roshaine, who died last February in Minalin, Pampanga province. “But I could have had a few more months, maybe a few more years with him.”

Roshaine Cariño’s parents, Romeo and Victoria. Photo: Agnes Dherbeys
Roshaine Cariño’s parents, Romeo and Victoria. Photo: Agnes Dherbeys

Rueda-Acosta believes both the vaccine and the hasty implementation of a “massive and indiscriminate” vaccination campaign are to blame for many of the casualties.

Several children could have been saved if they had been treated in a timely manner, according to doctors. “My daughter was refused access to a hospital because she looked too poor,” says the mother of Riceza Salgo, 12, who had received the vaccine but developed dengue fever. “She could barely stand.”

Last March, the family, who live in Silang, Cavite province, eventually found a hospital that would take her, but Riceza quickly succumbed.

The scandal has become highly politicised, each camp trying to undermine the credibility of the other. The DoH, in hot water after the allegations of corruption, is now blaming a 
massive measles outbreak
 in the country on the Dengvaxia scare, which led to parents shunning the government’s free immu­nisation drive. So far this year, more than 26,000 measles cases have been reported and of those infected more than 355 have died, most of them children, mainly as a result of poor vaccination rates.

“This is not really fair,” says Cruz. “The measles outbreak is a worldwide pheno­menon.” As is misinformation about the measles vaccine.

Nevertheless, it seems likely Dengvaxia has not only claimed the lives of children who may otherwise have been spared the worst excesses of dengue fever, but also, thanks to the ensuing scare, helped raise the death toll from measles in the Philippines.

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Are 35,000 Gulf War Soldiers Dead Due to Anthrax Vaccinations?

A controversial film suggests that 35,000 servicemembers died from anthrax vaccinations, but we found no reasonable support for such a claim.

  • PUBLISHED 18 JANUARY 2017

Claim

A government report from 2008 states that 35,000 veterans of the first Gulf War died as a direct result of adverse effects from an Anthrax vaccine they were mandated to receive.

Rating

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Origin

On 17 January 2017, a short documentary titled Vaccine Syndrome (written and directed by Scott Miller, who has other anti-vaccine films to his credit) saw its world premiere as part of a larger series of anti-vaccine documentaries named “Vaccines Revealed” which were released over a ten-day period in late January 2017.

Vaccine Syndrome makes the claim that over 35,000 Gulf War veterans have died as a result of receiving mandated anthrax vaccinations during the period of time leading up to and during that conflict. Here is the claim and the entirety of its supporting evidence, as presented in the film:

“Over 35 thousand soldiers have died due to adverse effects from the anthrax vaccine”
-RAC-GWVI Government report 2008

Though Vaccine Syndrome cites a specific government research paper from 2008 titled “Gulf War Illness and the Health of Gulf War Veterans: Scientific Findings and Recommendations,” it is unclear what within the report led the filmmaker to that figure.

The cited report focused on Gulf War Syndrome, an enigmatic illness suffered by as many as 32% of Gulf War veterans that, despite its prevalence, remains poorly understood. This is the official government definition of that condition, as stated in the research paper in question:

Gulf War illness is a serious condition that affects at least one fourth of the 697,000 U.S. veterans who served in the 1990-1991 Gulf War. This complex of multiple concurrent symptoms typically includes persistent memory and concentration problems, chronic headaches, widespread pain, gastrointestinal problems, and other chronic abnormalities not explained by well-established diagnoses. No effective treatments have been identified for Gulf War illness and studies indicate that few veterans have recovered over time.

Among the many speculated causes of Gulf War Syndrome, one promoted strongly by anti-vaccine advocates is that the illness is tied to the compulsory vaccination of roughly 150,000 service men and women deployed during the 1991 Gulf War.

This article is not about the veracity of a possible link between vaccinations and Gulf War Syndrome, nor it about about any claims related to government malfeasance in performing such vaccinations (which were in some cases administered without informed consent). Instead, this article is strictly an investigation into the allegation that a government document cited by Vaccine Syndrome offers credible evidence documenting that the deaths of 35,000 service members were the direct result of mandated anthrax vaccinations.

According to the government report, about 150,000 Gulf War veterans out of about the 700,000 personnel deployed in that conflict are believed to have received one or two anthrax shots, which were most commonly given to troops who were in fixed support locations during the war. This means that if we are to understand the Vaccine Syndrome claim as meaning that 35,000 military veterans who had been administered anthrax vaccinations during the first Gulf War died from them, then the film is arguing that 23.3% of veterans who received such vaccinations are now dead as a direct result — an extraordinarily high death rate mentioned not once in the 454-page document cited by the film.

One possible way to arrive at something approaching a figure of “more than 35,000” based only on the cited report would be to take the estimate of the total number of servicemembers inoculated (150,000) and assume that this population of individuals experienced a similar rate of Gulf War Syndrome (between 25 and 32 percent, per the report) as the overall population of Gulf War veterans, and then either misinterpret or misrepresent “affected by Gulf War Syndrome” as “killed by Gulf War Syndrome”:

Studies consistently indicate, however, that an excess of 25 to 32 percent of veterans who served in the 1990-1991 Gulf War are affected by a complex of multiple symptoms, variously defined, over and above rates in contemporary military personnel who did not deploy to the Gulf War. That means that between 175,000 and 210,000 of the nearly 700,000 U.S. veterans who served in the 1990-1991 Gulf War suffer from this persistent pattern of symptoms as a result of their wartime service.

The above exercise serves as less as an explanation and as more of an illustration into how much of a reach the number of 35,000 is, based upon the evidence provided. Unless there is some other plausible interpretation of the claim that “35,000 soldiers have died due to adverse effects from the anthrax vaccine,” we can find no justification for the figure Miller arrived at from information contained in the report he cited.

We have reached out to Scott Miller, the filmmaker, for clarification regarding this figure and are awaiting his response.

 Grande Facebook!!! Grande inquisitore!!! Grande rottame dello spionaggio ultranazionale!!! Grande ipercensore!!! ... E poi si preoccupano della concorrenza ...





GRANDE FACEBOOK!!! GRANDE IPERINQUISITORE!!! FORNITORE DI DATI A TUTTI I SERVIZI SEGRETI DEL MONDO!!! GRANDE IPERCENSORE !!! ... E POI SI PREOCCUPANO DELLA CONCORRENZA ...

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US govt, states sue Facebook for ‘predatory’ conduct

December 10, 2020
1 of 6
FILE- In this Aug. 6, 2020 file photo, New York State Attorney General Letitia James takes a question at a news conference in New York. Federal regulators and a group of states launched a landmark antitrust offensive against Facebook, accusing the social network of abusing its market power in social networking to crush smaller competitors. “It’s really critically important that we block this predatory acquisition of companies and that we restore confidence to the market,” said James during a press conference announcing the lawsuit. (AP Photo/Kathy Willens, File)

WASHINGTON (AP) — The U.S. government and 48 states and districts sued Facebook Wednesday, accusing it of abusing its market power in social networking to crush smaller competitors and seeking remedies that could include a forced spinoff of the social network’s Instagram and WhatsApp messaging services.

The landmark antitrust lawsuits, announced by the Federal Trade Commission and New York Attorney General Letitia James, mark the second major government offensive this year against seemingly untouchable tech behemoths. The Justice Department sued Google in October for abusing its dominance in online search and advertising — the government’s most significant attempt to buttress competition since its historic case against Microsoft two decades ago. Amazon and Apple also have been under investigation in Congress and by federal authorities for alleged anticompetitive conduct.

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James noted at a press conference that “it’s really critically important that we block this predatory acquisition of companies and that we restore confidence to the market.”

The FTC said Facebook has engaged in a “a systematic strategy” to eliminate its competition, including by purchasing smaller up-and-coming rivals like Instagram in 2012 and WhatsApp in 2014. James echoed that in her press conference, saying Facebook “used its monopoly power to crush smaller rivals and snuff out competition, all at the expense of everyday users.”

The FTC fined Facebook $5 billion in 2019 for privacy violations and instituted new oversight and restrictions on its business. The fine was the largest the agency has ever levied on a tech company, although it had no visible impact on Facebook’s business.

Facebook called the government actions “revisionist history” that punishes successful businesses and noted that the FTC cleared the Instagram and WhatsApp acquisitions years ago. “The government now wants a do-over, sending a chilling warning to American business that no sale is ever final,” Facebook general counsel Jennifer Newstead said in a statement that echoed the company’s response to a recent congressional antitrust probe.

Facebook is the world’s biggest social network with 2.7 billion users and a company with a market value of nearly $800 billion whose CEO Mark Zuckerberg is the world’s fifth-richest individual and the most public face of Big Tech swagger.

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James alleged Facebook had a practice of opening its site to third-party app developers, then abruptly cutting off developers that it saw as a threat. The lawsuit — which includes 46 states, Guam and the District of Columbia — accuses Facebook of anti-competitive conduct and using its market dominance to harvest consumer data and reap a fortune in advertising revenues.

North Carolina Attorney General Josh Stein, who was on the executive committee of attorneys general conducting the investigation, said the litigation has the potential to alter the communications landscape the way the breakup of AT&T’s local phone service monopoly in the early 1980s did.

“Our hope is to restructure the social networking marketplace in the United States, and right now there’s one player,” Stein told reporters. James said the coalition worked collaboratively with the FTC but noted the attorneys general conducted their investigation separately.

Antitrust expert Rebecca Allensworth, a law professor at Vanderbilt University, said it is “hard to win any antitrust lawsuit and this one is not any different.” But as far as antitrust cases go, she added, the government has a strong one.

The Justice Department’s suit against Google, announced just two weeks before Election Day, brought accusations of political motivation from some quarters. It was filed by a cabinet agency headed by an attorney general seen as a close ally of President Donald Trump, who has often publicly criticized Google.

The FTC, by contrast, is an independent regulatory agency whose five commissioners currently include three Republicans and two Democrats.

President-elect Joe Biden has said the breakup of Big Tech giants should be seriously considered. He has singled out Facebook’s Zuckerberg for scorn, calling him “a real problem.”

Instagram and WhatsApp are among some 70 companies that Facebook has acquired over the past 15 years. But they are the ones most frequently held up by Facebook critics as properties that should be split off.

Facebook paid $1 billion for Instagram, bolstering the social network’s business a month before its stock went public. At the time, the photo-sharing app had about 30 million users and wasn’t producing any revenue. A few years later, Facebook acquired WhatsApp, an encrypted messaging service, for $19 billion.

Zuckerberg vowed both companies would be run independently, but over the years the services have become increasingly integrated. Users are now able to link accounts and share content across the platforms. Instagram now has more than 1 billion users worldwide. Such integration could make it more difficult to break off the companies.

NetChoice, a Washington trade association that includes Facebook as a member, quickly panned the lawsuits. The case for antitrust enforcement against Facebook “has never been weaker,” NetChoice vice president Carl Szabo said in a statement, pointing to newer social services such as TikTok and Snapchat as rivals that could “overtake” older platforms.

“These lawsuits mark an important turning point in the battle to rein in Big Tech monopolies and to reinvigorate antitrust enforcement,” said Alex Harman, competition policy advocate for Public Citizen, a nonprofit consumer advocacy group.

___

Sisak reported from New York. AP journalists Barbara Ortutay in Oakland, California, and Gary D. Robertson in Raleigh, North Carolina, contributed to this report.

04/12/20

Se sei italiano, nelle Filippine non lavori

 Se sei italiano, nelle Filippine non lavori:

https://ph.indeed.com/jobs?q=italian&l=Philippines&vjk=e31397a4dc389e1f

Bilingual CSAs - Spanish, Italian, French
The VITO Group - Taguig
  • Preference is given to Filipino candidates who are able to speak any of the required languages - Spanish, Italian, French
  • Foreign nationals who possess Permanent Residence Visa is encouraged to apply
  • Shifting schedule
  • Possess a high level of customer service and IT technical knowledge
  • Fluent in either of the following languages - SPANISH, ITALIAN, FRENCH, bith verbal and written
  • Strong troubleshooting skills; able to quickly analyze problems, determine root cause, reach a resolution, and resolce issues with high level of accuracy
  • Ability to adapt and evolve with new processes and changes quickly
  • Ability to thrive in a fast-paced, agile and dynamic environment
  • Operate across several computer platforms and applications at the same time
  • A love of customer interaction and the capacity to support a range of customers with differing needs and experiences
  • Experience working within a high-volume, telephone-based SLA and KPI driven environment
  • Self starter with the ability to multi-task